Jes\u00fas A. N\u00fa\u00f1ez<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\nPrimero fue la pasividad y luego la verg\u00fcenza y el prop\u00f3sito de enmienda. Como resultado de la inacci\u00f3n, hace hoy veinte a\u00f1os, la comunidad internacional asisti\u00f3 imp\u00e1vida al arranque de la matanza de 800.000 ruandeses (mayoritariamente tutsis, pero tambi\u00e9n hutus moderados) y a la huida de m\u00e1s dos millones de refugiados y desplazados. Ni siquiera se pudo alegar ignorancia porque a los despachos de la ONU llegaron alarmantes informes (como el tristemente famoso \u00abGenocide Fax\u00bb del general Romeo Dallaire), avisando de lo que se avecinaba en un pa\u00eds en el que volv\u00eda a prender con fuerza imparable el extremismo hutu frente a la minor\u00eda tutsi, empe\u00f1ada por su parte en recuperar un poder que consideraban suyo pr\u00e1cticamente desde los or\u00edgenes del pa\u00eds.<\/p>\n
La magnitud de la tragedia llev\u00f3 posteriormente a mandatarios como Bill Clinton o Kofi Annan, entonces responsable del departamento de operaciones de paz de la ONU, a rasgarse las vestiduras, al entender que la imparcialidad y los escasos recursos que impusieron a la UNAMIR no siempre es el camino correcto. Tambi\u00e9n es cierto, en todo caso, que de aquello sali\u00f3 un intento de extraer lecciones aprendidas y de mejorar la capacidad de respuesta ante situaciones similares. As\u00ed, desde 2005, contamos con el principio de Responsabilidad de Proteger, que supone un paso m\u00e1s en la destrucci\u00f3n del tab\u00fa de la no injerencia en asuntos internos, al entender que si un Estado no garantiza adecuadamente la seguridad de sus ciudadanos es la comunidad internacional la que debe asumir la tarea (incluso con el empleo de la fuerza). En el terreno de la acci\u00f3n humanitaria, tambi\u00e9n se han dado pasos relevantes, con la aprobaci\u00f3n del C\u00f3digo de Conducta para el socorro en casos de desastre de la Cruz Roja y las ONG, y otras iniciativas que tratan de mejorar la calidad del trabajo humanitario y evitar su instrumentalizaci\u00f3n.<\/p>\n
En el plano jur\u00eddico, no solo se puso en marcha un Tribunal Penal Internacional para Ruanda, sino que se utilizaron sistemas de justicia tradicional- los Tribunales Gacaca- para juzgar a miles de victimarios y avanzar en la reparaci\u00f3n de las v\u00edctimas. Incluso en algunos pa\u00edses, como el nuestro (cuando la justicia universal a\u00fan era un referente abiertamente asumido), se abrieron causas relacionadas con esta tragedia, se adoptaron nuevos enfoques para las operaciones internacionales de paz y hasta la Uni\u00f3n Africana comenz\u00f3 a tomar protagonismo en este terreno.<\/p>\n
A pesar de esos limitados avances a posteriori nada puede aliviar la sensaci\u00f3n de fracaso ante una tragedia de tal magnitud. Ruanda no ha logrado recuperarse a\u00fan hoy y su relativo crecimiento econ\u00f3mico no compensa el considerable d\u00e9ficit en t\u00e9rminos de desarrollo humano, de respeto de los derechos humanos y de gobernanza democr\u00e1tica. Y por su parte, la ONU- como bien nos muestran los casos de Darfur, Sud\u00e1n del Sur, Mal\u00ed, Siria, RDC o Rep\u00fablica Centroafricana- sigue siendo un actor secundario en el escenario internacional, sin capacidad para cumplir la tarea para la que fue creada: \u00abevitar el flagelo de la guerra a las generaciones futuras\u00bb.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
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<\/p>\n